(Note: I’m not sure when I will be able to follow up on my first essay about Michelle Remembers, so no more prophecies concerning when that will be posted. Suffice to say, I am working on it. In the meantime, enjoy this old piece I originally wrote for an American Studies class back in the day.)
R.G. Robins’s Pentecostalism in America (2010)and Ralph W. Hood and W. Paul Williamson’s Them That Believe (2008)are two fairly recent books that offer complementary but non-identical approaches to understanding Pentecostalism in the United States. Robins is a historian, and endeavors to write a broad history of the movement in a chronological fashion and addresses the central doctrinal features of Pentecostalism as well as its distinctive practices. He ably contextualizes Pentecostalism and illustrates its adaptability and role in modern U.S. culture. Ralph W. Hood and W. Paul Williamson are psychologists who take a more interdisciplinary approach and focus exclusively on one aspect of the movement- serpent-handling. Serpent-handling has not been a feature of any mainstream Pentecostal church since the early 1920s, though support for the practice appeared in Pentecostal periodicals through the 1940s. It is today a practice associated exclusively with renegade sects throughout the Appalachian region of the U.S., and stands in marked contrast with the mainstream and global respectability attained by dominant Pentecostal denominations. With its central ritual involving the handling of dangerous, venomous reptiles, serpent-handling sects are positioned as being in opposition to the dominant culture, depending on the family unit (kin-group formations, if one prefers) for its relative durability and longevity. Hood and Williamson attempt to understand the appeal and function of this ritual from every perspective, and draw upon a range of disciplines within the social sciences and humanities in order to illuminate it from multiple conceptual angles. The first portion of their book describes the history of Pentecostalism, and in many respects reads like an abridged version of Robins’ effort, and then moves on to a history of serpent-handling sects in Appalachia, pointing out the parallels with long-standing folk traditions. From there, the authors describe the practice of snake-handling itself, and its meaning as a ritual. Drawing on a psychoanalytic and evolutionary framework to explain the allure of the serpent as both sign and symbol, Hood and Williamson proffer an intriguing take on the practice which places the emphasis squarely on lived experience; William James is alluded to more than once.
The value, I feel, of considering these two texts together has already been hinted. Robins basically offers a ‘macro’ view of Pentecostalism, investigating the movement as a social and historical phenomenon with populist roots that eventually became institutionalized. The role of institutionalization is of crucial concern when considering his history next to Hood and Williamson’s study. According to Hood and Williamson, Pentecostalism’s arrival in the mainstream was the main driving force in the arrival of serpent-handling-as-sect. Serpent-handling, in addition to providing a glimpse of a more ‘micro’ understanding of a religious movement and sensibility through the practice of rituals amongst small groups of people, serves as the oppositional shadow of the larger movement, a schismatic sect that brings to light the social, philosophical, and theological divisions within a religious movement. The essence of the division is Biblical textual authority and the role it plays in understanding Pentecostalism’s most salient characteristic and ritual centerpiece- the Sign. The reason the Division exists at all is social and political. Biblical literalism makes intense demands on religious followers that are at odds with mainstream American culture and the general ebb and flow of modernity. As a practice that can maim and kill, snake-handling will always, in all probability, be marginal both within the context of Pentecostalism and the cultural life of the United States, but as Hood and Williamson observe, prevalence is not the only standard that can be used to assess a religious ritual’s vitality; longevity is also important, and by that standard snake-handling has more than kept pace with mainstream Pentecostalism. Considering the mainstream and marginal in Pentecostalism, as well as the larger social reality in relation to private belief and the often contentious relationship between social and religious values (something often overlooked in more secular-minded considerations of religion) will together be the principle focus of my analysis of Pentecostalism in America and Them That Believe.
Pentecostalism in America, as already indicated, is a general history of the Pentecostal movement in the United States, a succinct but thorough overview of its historical and cultural roots, its development throughout the twentieth century, a discussion of its key foundational figures, and a speculation of its current import and possible future. The trajectory of Pentecostalism has been an assured but by no means inevitable sprint to the mainstream, a religious sensibility that emerged as a reaction against the disorienting rootlessness inflicted by modernity. As indicated by the name (The Pentecost refers to the moment when the Holy Spirit descended on the Apostles), Pentecostalism drew from the teachings and experiences of the early church and was (and is) deeply concerned with the primeval origins of Christianity. It is of a set of faith traditions that seek to purify and improve present conditions through a thorough apprehension of the primitive origins of faith. Pentecostalism placed a strong emphasis on sanctification and the occurrence it sought for most vigorously was baptism- or possession- of believers by the Holy Spirit. The manifestation of the Holy Spirit was invariably thought to be accompanied by a visual sign, and indeed, the Sign, properly understood, would come to dominate most features of Pentecostal worship. Although there was much early uncertainty about what constituted a proper sign, it was ultimately- and intuitively- the Bible that would provide guidance to the faithful. Early founders of the Pentecostal movement, such as Charles Parham, would come to favor glossolalia, or speaking in tongues, as the most conspicuous and persuasive indicator of possession by the Holy Spirit. The popular stereotype of the ecstatic Pentecostal follower gibbering in a strange language has its origins in Parham’s insistence of glossolalia as the most important sign with scriptural support. Specifically, Mark 16:17-18 names five signs that the resurrected Christ said would identify believers; speaking in tongues was just one of these. The centrality of glossolalia is understandable considering that the remaining four signs are either extremely dangerous (taking up serpents, drinking poison) or are difficult to demonstrate in a social setting (healing the sick, casting out devils). The perceived incompleteness of what would become mainstream Pentecostalism’s approach to the signs would set the stage for the schismatic biblical literalism of the snake-handling tradition.
Robins is forthright in his approach to history, indicating his possible bias from the introduction of his book by quoting the old aphorism that all history is autobiography. Being raised in the Pentecostal tradition, he brings an insider’s perspective on the practices of the various churches, and places a strong emphasis on the diversity and adaptability of Pentecostal institutions. In fact, according to Robins, it is the fundamental disunity of the movement that poses the biggest challenge to understanding it, and it is only by uncovering “an organic relation to a common past” (Robins 1) that Pentecostalism, as such, clicks into focus. The origins lie in the Holiness movement of the late 19th century, which was principally a Methodist school keen on reviving a Wesleyan understanding of sanctification. With the benefit of hindsight, the holiness movement’s religious methods and rituals can be seen as being of greater significance than its theology. The chief organizational practice was the camp meeting, a passionate and fraternal setting that both linked the faithful to a less divided and chaotic past and fostered fellow-feeling that was badly sought after in post-bellum America. The sensibility was very much in reaction to the modern world, characterized by ethnic tension, urban rootlessness, and industrial-capitalist exploitation. Compounding the sense of alienation was the often break-neck pace of social and technological change. Renewal movements generally offered solace through a return to origins, with the early, 1st century church serving as the exemplar and ideal. Pentecostalism promised a return to the early church days of miracles. This vision, it would seem to me, offers a very particular understanding of religious community, both in terms of organizational code and practical function. Holiness gave people a sense of unity through a certain conception of the past that could be manifested, courtesy of the Holy Spirit, in the present, with the organizing metaphor of purity imputed to the Christian faith’s historical origins; Pentecostalism offered a means of confronting the problems of the day, ordered along the premise that modern life was tainted by myriad moral impurities. The egalitarian approach and emphasis on spiritual autonomy ultimately doomed the Holiness movement to an early incoherence, but its energy would last into the early twentieth century when a number of preachers and theologians imbued the tendency present in the camp meetings with an appropriately symbolic significance, and empowered Pentecostalism with its own terminology. Specifically, Charles Parham placed a new-found theological emphasis on glossolalia, which granted Pentecostalism a strong evangelical tool (Speaking in a different language without instruction was supposed to facilitate evangelicalism and thus herald Christ’s return.), a persuasive indicator of the presence of the Holy Spirit, and “the seal of the Bride of Christ” (Robins 23), or the marker of the true church. Parham’s influence granted Pentecostalism a pronounced eschatological tendency, which was hardly alien to Evangelicalism, then or now. Pentecostalism, perhaps more than any other faith, understood the evangelizing power of the Sign; it is what would bring unbelievers to God. Speaking in tongues would not achieve widespread recognition until William Seymour, Parham’s African-American protégé, established a Mission on Azusa Street in Los Angeles. From there, both Pentecostalism and its litany of signs would expand, eventually reaching every corner of the country (and beyond) and encompassing all five of the signs indicated in Mark 16:17-18.
Robins mentions the practice of snake-handling only three times in his history. He is surprisingly non-judgmental, but predictably confers on it marginal status. Clearly, the ritual cannot be ignored because of its notoriety, but sensible people can continue to doubt its overall importance to the Pentecostal movement. Robins, like most scholars, locates the arrival of snake-handling as a religious ritual (as opposed to a folk tradition or one-off manifestation of religious enthusiasm) with the arrival of Pentecostalism in the American South. He offers a persuasive but incomplete explanation for snake-handling’s Southern roots- “Southern Pentecostalism stood out from its regional peers for its emphasis on sanctification, its ethical rigorism (sic), and its strict church discipline. In addition, the Pentecostal tendencies toward literalism and emotional intensity received their fullest expression here… the region gave birth to the phenomenon of serpent handling, a Pentecostal subculture that… has etched one of the movement’s most enduring popular images” (44-45). Robins would seem to link the peculiarities of Sothern Pentecostalism to the peculiarities of the Southern character, and neglects the specifics of what Southern culture may have brought to Pentecostalism. Hood and Williamson draw attention to the possible significance of folk traditions and previous isolated incidents of snake-handling at revivalist meetings across the South. Robins correctly emphasizes how Southern conservatism magnified the already literalist tendencies of Pentecostalism; if all five of the signs described in Mark 16 were to be put into practice as a religious and ethical mandate anywhere, it would probably be in Appalachia. What is even more remarkable is the degree of tolerance with which the practice was met by establishment Pentecostals of the time. Robins writes, “Leaders… were slow to condemn the practice because of its textual basis and its apparent validation of their claim that all of the apostolic signs and wonders had been restored among them. Condemnation would eventually come, but only after serpent handling had gone unchecked for several years” (45). This would seem to indicate a tension within the early Pentecostal movement between religious fidelity and social utility. It is a problem faced by many, if not most, religious movements; the conflict between concerning oneself with business beyond the physical, material world and maintaining an organization that is adaptable to the unavoidable demands of said world. Snake-handling illustrates that the manifestation of this conflict occurs along (communal) ritual lines. Ritual serves as the point where a religion’s metaphysics and spiritual orientation can be made manifest to any and all observers; it is the public face of a religion’s spirituality. Pentecostalism, right from its inception, had pronounced fundamentalist tendencies, and the textual authority of the Bible was- and for the most part still is- regarded as absolute. Since all of Pentecostalism’s religious signs (the foundation of Pentecostal ritual) have textual origins, this makes any “selective” take on scripture extraordinarily difficult. However, to gain mainstream respectability in a modern American (later global) context, selective understandings of scripture became necessary. In this respect, snake-handling sects can be regarded as the religious purity that mainstream Pentecostalism has chosen to reject, although Hood and Williamson make it clear in their study that any generalization about snake-handling in relation to mainstream Pentecostalism should be made with caution.
Them That Believe, in contrast to Robins’s work, is not strictly a history, but an interdisciplinary analysis that draws on historical, sociological, anthropological, psychological, and neurophysiological approaches to studying a specific religious ritual in its appropriate context. Hood and Williamson announce at the outset that they are sympathetic to snake-handling sects, but do not practice the faith itself or share in its religious convictions. This again provides a contrast to Robins, who brought an insider’s perspective to his study of Pentecostalism. Them That Believe positions itself as an understanding outsider’s take on religious praxis. The methodology employed by Williamson and Hood is multi-faceted, as befits a resolutely interdisciplinary work, but the most important empirical evidence brought forth by their study was culled from several years’ worth of travel around the Appalachian region, visiting snake-handling churches as ‘participant observers’ and conducting extensive interviews with practitioners. For this reason, it may be most useful to regard Hood and Williamson’s book as a work of anthropology, and the structure and on-the-ground functionality of the snake-handling ritual is given primary focus. The early chapters of Them That Believe, however, are historical overviews, considering the history of Pentecostalism generally, the practice of snake-handling specifically, and the initial acceptance and eventual rejection of snake-handling by major Pentecostal churches. There is some overlap between the material covered by Robins and Williamson and Hood, but for fairly intuitive reasons, Hood and Williamson give more attention to theology and ritual, though they share Robins’ understanding of the importance of region in accounting for Pentecostalism’s diversity and adaptability.
The third and fourth chapters of Them That Believe contain the material of the greatest historical interest, not only in the context of Hood and Williamson’s study, but of the snake-handling tradition generally. Snake-handling cannot be traced to any one figure in particular, but the man most commonly given credit for popularizing snake-handling and decisively establishing it as a religious tradition is George Went Hensley. In yet another ironic historical turn, the most profoundly anti-modern incarnation of a profoundly anti-modern religious movement gained its early notoriety through the decidedly modern phenomenon of media sensationalism. Hensley, a minister ordained at a prominent Pentecostal church called the Church of God, came to be troubled by the Church of God’s selective reading of Mark 16:17-18, which, as indicated previously, stipulated five signs that would signify true belief in Christ. Although the specifics are uncertain owing to a dearth of textual evidence, it is commonly held that Hensley, while ministering at Owl Hollow in rural Tennessee, retired to the peak of a nearby mountain and came upon a rattlesnake, which he then took up without harm to himself. Between 1910 and 1914, Hensley developed a reputation as an intensely charismatic preacher who regularly handled dangerous, venomous snakes, and he received a great deal of attention from local and national newspapers and magazines. Hensley was by no means the first snake-handler; it is probable that, as a youth, he witnessed a young woman named Nancy Kleinieck handle serpents at a coal camp revival. The handling of snakes as a sign of devotion was not without precedent in Appalachia, but it is generally agreed that Hensley’s charismatic religious work, backed by the perceived theological authority of emerging Pentecostalism, effectively paved the way for serpent handling as a viable religious tradition. The history provided by Hood and Williamson is instructive for a number of reasons. It demonstrates the process by which a religious practice becomes a tradition or ritual. Historical authority (in this case textually mediated) articulated by a prominent figure of the faith joins with the right social milieu to create the impression of a divine manifestation, or something like a sacrament. Evangelicalism provides a narrative foundation which makes the practice of the ritual seem coherent and desirable.
Inevitably, the intrinsic danger of handling venomous reptiles brought this newly arrived ritual into conflict with the wider culture. In 1936, a young man named Alfred Weaver attempted to handle a rattlesnake at one of Hensley’s sermons, and received multiple bites that would prove fatal. This event is commonly thought to mark the beginning of Hensley and the tradition’s troubled legal status; as the twentieth century went on, more laws were passed forbidding snake-handling. Presently, every Southern state with the exception of West Virginia has laws restricting the practice of handling dangerous snakes. Hensley himself would later leave the Church of God to found his own church, the Church of God with Signs Following, and eventually die from a snakebite.
What is remarkable is that the mainstream Church of God and its sister church, the Church of God of Prophecy, actively endorsed snake-handling for a time, citing its textual justification. Official condemnation from the Church of God would occur in the 1920s, but as late as 1943 prominent Pentecostal leaders defended the practice. M.A. Tomlinson, the son of Church of God of Prophecy founder A.J. Tomlinson, wrote in an editorial for a Pentecostal periodical, “We do not make a show of taking up serpents, but if they are brought to us and God’s power is present to manifest this sign that follows believers, then we give god the glory for it” (qtd. in Hood and Williamson 54). Although the process was uneven, mainstream Pentecostalism would eventually abandon snake-handling entirely; indeed, many Pentecostal churches condemned it from the beginning. Hood and Williamson argue that a useful model for understanding the schism between mainstream Pentecostalism and snake-handling sects is church-sect theory. Church-sect theory, though imperfect, helps explain a counterintuitive fact; that the most conservative, high-demand churches are the ones that frequently possess the most longevity and vitality. One would think intense religious requirements, whether social, personal, or conceptual, and their attendant stressors would run the risk of alienating church members over time, but this is not the case at all. The members of sects, in contrast to churches, are almost exclusively voluntary in their association (one can be merely born into a church) and experience a great deal of tension with the dominant culture; inasmuch as this tension is distinctive, sects have a means of preserving themselves and their traditions, as the like-mindedness of the sect members in conjunction with their estrangement from a disapproving mainstream culture reinforces the centrality of the sect as the basis for social identity and a sense of belonging. Importantly, Hood and Williamson observe, “…it… is important to recognize that as some sects grow by abandoning high-cost behaviors, a residual group that maintains these behaviors survives- although it may be seen as less successful when emphasis is on growth rather than survival…” (58) The high-cost behavior associated with snake-handling is one of the aspects of the faith that encourages its preservation. Legal prohibitions add to the cost of snake-handling, ironically reinforcing the dynamic that ensures the longevity of controversial schismatic sects. When viewed in the light of the history of Pentecostalism, this pattern reveals a compelling truth about Pentecostalism and perhaps religious movements generally. It would seem that the features of a faith that enable its growth are not necessarily the same features that guarantee its preservation. Pentecostalism got its start and early rapid growth by being relatively egalitarian, flexible, and adaptable, but some of the longest-lasting and most iconic traditions within the faith are the least flexible or amenable to alteration or compromise.
No consideration of snake-handling would be complete without an analysis of the practice of handling snakes itself. Hood and Williamson helpfully devote a chapter to a more worldly consideration of the serpent as both sign and symbol (The distinction between the two concepts and how they interact through the ritual is crucial.) across cultures. The snake is commonly associated with death and the phallus, although many traditions, such as Romanticism, have associated it with knowledge, the marginal, or the transgressive. The fear of snakes would seem to be a human universal, probably with evolutionary origins. The symbolic value of the snake takes on a special power when it is also manifested as a sign in the context of the snake-handling tradition. The experience of handling the snake itself as part of a religious service is preceded, in the words of the believers themselves, as an acutely felt desire; as a ‘wanting to do.’ This in turn is replaced by fear and anticipation as the reptile is approached, and a sense of elation and victory when it is taken up without bodily harm. It is important to understand that snake-handlers regard their practice as an imperative, or as something they must do. They do not consider it as proof of faith and they do not expect to necessarily come away from the act unscathed. The signs are followed because they are divine orders, what marks ‘them that believe.’ The appeal of the practice to believers is a direct connection with God. In every instance, it is God, and not the believer, that manifests the sign.
Hood and Williamson conclude their study with an evaluation of the current state of snake-handling churches. Because of the legal prohibitions on the practice in most states, many snake-handlers are reluctant to openly identify themselves. As a consequence, the exact number of adherents to snake-handling is difficult to ascertain. The typical church has very low membership, usually about 10-20 people. A larger one may have up to 100 participants. The most compelling point made in this final section of the book concerns the role of the family in maintaining the practice of snake-handling. Because no mainstream institution supports the practice anymore, snake-handlers are dependent on the smaller but nonetheless powerful foundational unit of the family to practice and preserve their faith. It is the practice, backed by familial support and granted narrative coherence thanks to both scripture and evangelical teaching, that preserves snake-handling as a faith tradition. When attempting to understand snake-handling in relation to Pentecostalism generally, a number of challenges present themselves, but I feel this quote concerning the crisis of Pentecostalism on the eve of the First World War may capture something of the essence: “Pentecostalism was a bumptious, contrarian movement with sectarian instincts. Pride, purity, and proof-texts dictated ‘separation from the world.’ But an extroverted, missionary-minded movement like Pentecostalism could never truly separate from the world it defined itself over against yet lived within and sought to save” (Robins 49-50). In short, I feel it may be helpful to understand snake-handling as the embodiment of all of Pentecostalism’s most ‘separatist’ tendencies, the seeking of religious purity among a select few, even to the point of death, in relative seclusion. The regional and theological coloring this separatist movement has taken on can give some indication about the character of the religious movement generally beyond its perceived, dominant socio-political aspects. Purity would seem to be stronger at the margins of a faith, and in the case of Pentecostalism, faith is the conquest of death through signs and symbols.
Works Cited
Hood, Ralph W. and W. Paul Williamson. Them That Believe: The Power and Meaning of the Christian
Serpent-Handling Tradition. Berkeley: University of California, 2008. Print.
Robins, R.G. Pentecostalism in America. Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2010. Print.